| 000 | 01969nam a22002057a 4500 | ||
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| 008 | 120307t xxu||||| |||| 00| 0 eng d | ||
| 040 |
_aES-MaBCA _cES-MaBCA |
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| 100 |
_913461 _aBiscop, Sven |
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| 245 |
_aThe EU Global Strategy _h[Recurso electrónico] PDF _b: Realpolitik with European Characteristics |
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| 260 |
_bRoyal Institute for International Relations (EGMONT) _cJune 2016 _aRue des Petits Carmes, 24 A, 1000 Brussels, Belgium |
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| 300 | _aRecurso online, 6 p. | ||
| 490 |
_aSecurity Policy Brief _v- . -- No. 75 (June 2016) |
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| 520 | _aOn 28 June 2016 High Representative Federica Mogherini presented the Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy (EUGS) to the European Council. Many pundits will present it as another example of Brussels’ otherworldliness to table an external strategy just a few days after the UK created a huge internal challenge by voting to leave the Union. But would it have demonstrated a better sense of reality to pretend that because of the British decision to put a stop to its EU membership the world around Europe will come to a stop as well? The EU needs the EUGS and that “is even more true after the British referendum”, as Mogherini rightly says in the foreword. Many will also gladly find fault with the document, looking for the deficiencies. But it is the strategy now. Therefore the question is not what it could have said that it doesn’t, but whether it gives us something to work with to render EU foreign and security policy more effective. The answer is: yes, and quite a lot. Having gotten that out of the way, we can move on to the substance of the EUGS. | ||
| 650 | 0 |
_91755 _aGestión de crisis |
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| 650 | 0 |
_93228 _aEstrategias de seguridad |
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| 651 | 0 |
_91574 _aPaíses de la Unión Europea |
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| 710 |
_95135 _aRoyal Institute for International Relations (EGMONT) |
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| 856 | 4 |
_uhttp://www.egmontinstitute.be/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/SPB75.pdf _qPDF |
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| 942 |
_2udc _cBK |
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| 999 |
_c18567 _d18570 |
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