000			02151nam a22002297a 4500
003			ES-MaBCA
005			20170327110222.0
008			130611b xxu||||| |||| 00| 0 eng d
040			_cES-MaBCA
100			_914666 _aBurnett, Jon
245			_aRacial Violence and the Brexit State _cInstitute of Race Relations _h[Recurso electrónico] PDF
260			_c2016
300			_a28 p. _fRecurso online _b602 KB
520			_aWhatever else Brexit means or does not mean, it certainly means racism. Born of fortuitous circumstances, lacking programme or policy, the government has had to find its 'mandate' in the twin Brexit themes: that immigration is unravelling of the nation, and anything foreign, except invesment, is abhorrent to its ethos - thus giving a fillip to popular racism and elevating institutional racism to fully-fledged state racism. Of course there were signs of state racism from the time of the first Immigration Act in 1962, but these were counterbalanced by anti-discrimination legislation and community programmes - and for a while the way was opened to a truly multicultural society, the foremost in Europe, and its exemplar. The difference today is that racism and xenophobia have become tied into the state itself, making nativism the state idelogy and 'take back control' its political culture. In the post-referendum period, racial violence and harassment, as this report graphically shows, became widespread and brazen. But in going along with the dominant narrative, the government reduced racial violence, a socially-based issue, to individualised 'hate crime'. In so siphoning off racism and racial violence to the terrain of law and order, the government conceals its complicity in the creation of state racism. The struggle then is on two levels, both at once: against state racism and against 'hate crime'.
650		0	_912817 _aRacismo
650		0	_91639 _aPolítica y gobierno
651		0	_91411 _aReino Unido
710			_95227 _aStatewatch
710			_914667 _aInstitute of Race Relations
856	4		_uhttp://www.statewatch.org/news/2016/nov/Racial-violence-and-the-Brexit-state-irr.pdf
942			_2udc _cINF
999			_c19332 _d19335